Saturday, December 15, 2012

To tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world

School shooting: President Obama’s remarks on the shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn. (Transcript)

Published: December 14

Here is a complete transcript of President Obama’s remarks about the school shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn., on Dec. 14, 2012.
PRESIDENT OBAMA:This afternoon, I spoke with Governor Malloy and FBI Director Mueller. I offered Governor Malloy my condolences on behalf of the nation and made it clear he will have every single resource that he needs to investigate this heinous crime, care for the victims, counsel their families.
We’ve endured too many of these tragedies in the past few years. And each time I learn the news, I react not as a president, but as anybody else would as a parent. And that was especially true today. I know there’s not a parent in America who doesn’t feel the same overwhelming grief that I do.
The majority of those who died today were children -- beautiful, little kids between the ages of 5 and 10 years old. They had their entire lives ahead of them -- birthdays, graduations, weddings, kids of their own. Among the fallen were also teachers, men and women who devoted their lives to helping our children fulfill their dreams.
So our hearts are broken today for the parents and grandparents, sisters and brothers of these little children, and for the families of the adults who were lost.
Our hearts are broken for the parents of the survivors, as well, for as blessed as they are to have their children home tonight, they know that their children’s innocence has been torn away from them too early and there are no words that will ease their pain.
As a country, we have been through this too many times. Whether it is an elementary school in Newtown, or a shopping mall in Oregon, or a temple in Wisconsin, or a movie theater in Aurora, or a street corner in Chicago, these neighborhoods are our neighborhoods and these children are our children. And we’re going to have to come together and take meaningful action to prevent more tragedies like this, regardless of the politics.
This evening, Michelle and I will do what I know every parent in America will do, which is hug our children a little tighter, and we’ll tell them that we love them, and we’ll remind each other how deeply we love one another. But there are families in Connecticut who cannot do that tonight, and they need all of us right now. In the hard days to come, that community needs us to be at our best as Americans, and I will do everything in my power as president to help, because while nothing can fill the space of a lost child or loved one, all of us can extend a hand to those in need, to remind them that we are there for them, that we are praying for them, that the love they felt for those they lost endures not just in their memories, but also in ours.
May God bless the memory of the victims and, in the words of Scripture, heal the brokenhearted and bind up their wounds.

Obama's Tucson speech transcript: Full text

Washington Post staff
Thursday, January 13, 2011; 8:41 AM

Thank you. Please. Please, be seated.
To the families of those we've lost, to all who called them friends, to the students of this university, the public servants who are gathered here, the people of Tucson and the people of Arizona: I have come here tonight as an American who, like all Americans, kneels to pray with you today and will stand by you tomorrow.
There is nothing I can say that will fill the sudden hole torn in your hearts. But know this: The hopes of a nation are here tonight. We mourn with you for the fallen. We join you in your grief. And we add our faith to yours that Representative Gabrielle Giffords and the other living victims of this tragedy will pull through.
Scripture tells us, "There is a river whose streams make glad the city of God, the holy place where the most high dwells. God is within her, she will not fall; God will help her at break of day."
On Saturday morning, Gabby, her staff, and many of her constituents gathered outside a supermarket to exercise their right to peaceful assembly and free speech.
They were fulfilling a central tenet of the democracy envisioned by our founders: representatives of the people answering questions to their constituents, so as to carry their concerns back to our nation's capital. Gabby called it "Congress on Your Corner," just an updated version of government of and by and for the people.
And that quintessentially American scene, that was the scene that was shattered by a gunman's bullets. And the six people who lost their lives on Saturday, they, too, represented what is best in us, what is best in America.
Judge John Roll served our legal system for nearly 40 years.
A graduate of this university and a graduate of this law school...
... Judge Roll was recommended for the federal bench by John McCain 20 years ago, appointed by President George H.W. Bush, and rose to become Arizona's chief federal judge.
His colleagues described him as the hardest-working judge within the Ninth Circuit. He was on his way back from attending mass, as he did every day, when he decided to stop by and say hi to his representative.
John is survived by his loving wife, Maureen, his three sons, and his five beautiful grandchildren.
George and Dorothy Morris -- "Dot" to her friends -- were high school sweethearts who got married and had two daughters. They did everything together, traveling the open road in their R.V., enjoying what their friends called a 50-year honeymoon.
Saturday morning, they went by the Safeway to hear what their congresswoman had to say. When gunfire rang out, George, a former Marine, instinctively tried to shield his wife.
Both were shot. Dot passed away.
A New Jersey native, Phyllis Schneck retired to Tucson to beat the snow. But in the summer, she would return east, where her world revolved around her three children, her seven grandchildren, and two- year-old great-granddaughter. A gifted quilter, she'd often work under her favorite tree, or sometimes she'd sew aprons with the logos of the Jets and the Giants...
... to give out at the church where she volunteered. A Republican, she took a liking to Gabby and wanted to get to know her better.
Dorwan and Mavy Stoddard grew up in Tucson together about 70 years ago. They moved apart and started their own respective families, but after both were widowed, they found their way back here, to, as one of Mavy's daughters put it, "be boyfriend and girlfriend again."
When they weren't out on the road in their motor home, you could find them just up the road, helping folks in need at the Mountain Avenue Church of Christ. A retired construction worker, Dorwan spent his spare time fixing up the church along with their dog, Tux. His final act of selflessness was to dive on top of his wife, sacrificing his life for hers.
Everything -- everything Gabe Zimmerman did, he did with passion, but...
... but his true passion was helping people. As Gabby's outreach director, he made the cares of thousands of her constituents his own, seeing to it that seniors got the Medicare benefits that they had earned, that veterans got the medals and the care that they deserved, that government was working for ordinary folks.
He died doing what he loved: talking with people and seeing how he could help. And Gabe is survived by his parents, Ross and Emily, his brother, Ben, and his fiancee, Kelly, who he planned to marry next year.
And then there is nine-year-old Christina-Taylor Green. Christina was an A student. She was a dancer. She was a gymnast. She was a swimmer. She decided that she wanted to be the first woman to play in the Major Leagues, and as the only girl on her Little League team, no one put it past her.
She showed an appreciation for life uncommon for a girl her age. She'd remind her mother, "We are so blessed. We have the best life." And she'd pay those blessings back by participating in a charity that helped children who were less fortunate.
Our hearts are broken by their sudden passing. Our hearts are broken, and yet our hearts also have reason for fullness.
Our hearts are full of hope and thanks for the 13 Americans who survived the shooting, including the congresswoman many of them went to see on Saturday. I have just come from the University Medical Center, just a mile from here, where our friend Gabby courageously fights to recover even as we speak.
And I want to tell you -- her husband, Mark, is here, and he allows me to share this with you. Right after we went to visit, a few minutes after we left her room and some of her colleagues from Congress were in the room, Gabby opened her eyes for the first time.
Gabby opened her eyes for the first time.
Gabby opened her eyes.
Gabby opened her eyes, so I can tell you, she knows we are here, she knows we love her, and she knows that we are rooting for her through what is undoubtedly going to be a difficult journey. We are there for her.
Our hearts are full of thanks for that good news, and our hearts are full of gratitude for those who saved others. We are grateful to Daniel Hernandez...
... a volunteer in Gabby's office.
And, Daniel, I'm sorry, you may deny it, but we've decided you are a hero, because you ran through the chaos to minister to your boss and tended to her wounds and help keep her alive.
We are grateful to the men who tackled the gunman as he stopped to reload.
They're right over there.
We -- we are grateful for petite Patricia Maisch, who wrestled away the killer's ammunition and undoubtedly saved some lives.
And we are grateful for the doctors and nurses and first responders...
... who worked wonders to heal those who'd been hurt. We are grateful to them.
These men and women remind us that heroism is found not only on the fields of battle. They remind us that heroism does not require special training or physical strength. Heroism is here, in the hearts of so many of our fellow citizens, all around us, just waiting to be summoned, as it was on Saturday morning.
Their actions, their selflessness poses a challenge to each of us. It raises the question of what, beyond prayers and expressions of concern, is required of us going forward. How can we honor the fallen? How can we be true to their memory?
You see, when a tragedy like this strikes, it is part of our nature to demand explanations, to try to impose some order on the chaos and make sense out of that which seems senseless.
Already, we've seen a national conversation commence, not only about the motivations behind these killings, but about everything from the merits of gun safety laws to the adequacy of our mental health system. And much -- much of this process...
... of debating what might be done to prevent such tragedies in the future is an essential ingredient in our exercise of self- government.
But at a time when our discourse has become so sharply polarized, at a time when we are far too eager to lay the blame for all that ails the world at the feet of those who happen to think differently than we do, it's important for us to pause for a moment and make sure that we're talking with each other in a way that -- that heals, not in a way that wounds.
Scripture tells us that there is evil in the world and that terrible things happen for reasons that defy human understanding. In the words of Job, "When I looked for light, then came darkness." Bad things happen, and we have to guard against simple explanations in the aftermath.
For the truth is, none of us can know exactly what triggered this vicious attack. None of us can know with any certainty what might have stopped these shots from being fired or what thoughts lurked in the inner recesses of a violent man's mind.
Yes, we had to examine all the facts behind this tragedy. We cannot and will not be passive in the face of such violence. We should be willing to challenge old assumptions in order to lessen the prospects of such violence in the future.
But what we cannot do is use this tragedy as one more occasion to turn on each other.
That we cannot do.
That we cannot do.
As we discuss these issues, let each of us do so with a good dose of humility. Rather than pointing fingers or assigning blame, let's use this occasion to expand our moral imaginations, to listen to each other more carefully, to sharpen our instincts for empathy, and remind ourselves of all the ways that our hopes and dreams are bound together. After all...
After all, that's what most of us do when we lose somebody in our family, especially if the loss is unexpected. We're shaken out of our routines. We're forced to look inward. We reflect on the past.
Did we spend enough time with an aging -- an aging parent, we wonder? Did we express our gratitude for all the sacrifices that they made for us? Did we tell a spouse just how desperately we loved them, not just once in a while, but every single day?
So sudden loss causes us to look backward, but it also forces us to look forward, to reflect on the present and the future, on the manner in which we live our lives and nurture our relationships with those who are still with us.
We may ask ourselves if we've shown enough kindness and generosity and compassion to the people in our lives. Perhaps we question whether we're doing right by our children, or our community, whether our priorities are in order. We recognize our own mortality. And we are reminded that, in the fleeting time we have on this Earth, what matters is not wealth, or status, or power, or fame, but rather how well we have loved and what small part we have played in making the lives of other people better.
And that process -- that process of reflection, of making sure we align our values with our actions, that, I believe, is what a tragedy like this requires.
For those who were harmed, those who were killed, they are part of our family, an American family, 300 million strong.
We may not have known them personally, but surely we see ourselves in them. In George and Dot, in Dorwan and Mavy, we sense the abiding love we have for our own husbands, our own wives, our own life partners.
Phyllis, she's our mom or our grandma, Gabe, our brother or son.
In Judge Roll, we recognize not only a man who prized his family and doing his job well, but also a man who embodied America's fidelity to the law.
And in Gabby -- in Gabby, we see a reflection of our public- spiritedness, that desire to participate in that sometimes frustrating, sometimes contentious, but always necessary and never- ending process to form a more perfect union.
And in Christina, in Christina, we see all of our children, so curious, so trusting, so energetic, so full of magic, so deserving of our love, and so deserving of our good example.
If this tragedy prompts reflection and debate, as it should, let's make sure it's worthy of those we have lost.
Let's make sure it's not on the usual plane of politics and point-scoring and pettiness that drifts away in the next news cycle.
The loss of these wonderful people should make every one of us strive to be better, to be better in our private lives, to be better friends and neighbors and co-workers and parents.
And if, as has been discussed in recent days, their death helps usher in more civility in our public discourse, let us remember it is not because a simple lack of civility caused this tragedy -- it did not -- but rather because only a more civil and honest public discourse can help us face up to the challenges of our nation in a way that would make them proud.
We should be civil because we want to live up to the example of public servants like John Roll and Gabby Giffords, who knew first and foremost that we are all Americans, and that we can question each other's ideas without questioning each other's love of country, and that our task, working together, is to constantly widen the circle of our concern so that we bequeath the American dream to future generations.
They believe -- they believe and I believe that we can be better. Those who died here, those who saved lives here, they help me believe. We may not be able to stop all evil in the world, but I know that how we treat one another, that's entirely up to us.
And I believe that, for all our imperfections, we are full of decency and goodness and that the forces that divide us are not as strong as those that unite us.
That's what I believe, in part because that's what a child like Christina-Taylor Green believed.
Imagine -- can you imagine for a moment, here was a young girl who was just becoming aware of our democracy, just beginning to understand the obligations of citizenship, just starting to glimpse the fact that someday she, too, might play a part in shaping her nation's future.
She had been elected to her student council. She saw public service as something exciting and hopeful. She was off to meet her congresswoman, someone she was sure was good and important and might be a role model. She saw all this through the eyes of a child, undimmed by the cynicism or vitriol that we adults all too often just take for granted.
I want us to live up to her expectations.
I want our democracy to be as good as Christina imagined it. I want America to be as good as she imagined it. All of us, we should do everything we can to make sure this country lives up to our children's expectations.
As has already been mentioned, Christina was given to us on September 11th, 2001, one of 50 babies born that day to be pictured in a book called "Faces of Hope." On either side of her photo in that book were simple wishes for a child's life: "I hope you help those in need," read one. "I hope you know all of the words to the National Anthem and sing it with your hand over your heart. I hope -- I hope you jump in rain puddles."
If there are rain puddles in Heaven, Christina is jumping in them today.
And here on this Earth, here on this Earth, we place our hands over our hearts and we commit ourselves as Americans to forging a country that is forever worthy of her gentle, happy spirit.
May God bless and keep those we've lost in restful and eternal peace. May he love and watch over the survivors. And may he bless the United States of America.

Senator Edward M. Kennedy
St. Patrick's Cathedral
New York City
June 8, 1968
The text below is not a transcript of the recording of Senator Kennedy's eulogy.  It is instead based on the version released to the press, which differs in a few particulars.  Because of its wide distribution, the press version has at least as strong a claim on the historical record as the spoken version.
On behalf of Mrs. Robert Kennedy, her children and the parents and sisters of Robert Kennedy, I want to express what we feel to those who mourn with us today in this Cathedral and around the world. We loved him as a brother and father and son. From his parents, and from his older brothers and sisters - Joe, Kathleen and Jack - he received inspiration which he passed on to all of us. He gave us strength in time of trouble, wisdom in time of uncertainty, and sharing in time of happiness. He was always by our side.
Love is not an easy feeling to put into words. Nor is loyalty, or trust or joy. But he was all of these. He loved life completely and lived it intensely.
A few years back, Robert Kennedy wrote some words about his own father and they expressed the way we in his family feel about him. He said of what his father meant to him: "What it really all adds up to is love - not love as it is described with such facility in popular magazines, but the kind of love that is affection and respect, order, encouragement, and support. Our awareness of this was an incalculable source of strength, and because real love is something unselfish and involves sacrifice and giving, we could not help but profit from it. "Beneath it all, he has tried to engender a social conscience. There were wrongs which needed attention. There were people who were poor and who needed help. And we have a responsibility to them and to this country. Through no virtues and accomplishments of our own, we have been fortunate enough to be born in the United States under the most comfortable conditions. We, therefore, have a responsibility to others who are less well off."
This is what Robert Kennedy was given. What he leaves us is what he said, what he did and what he stood for. A speech he made to the young people of South Africa on their Day of Affirmation in 1966 sums it up the best, and I would read it now:
"There is a discrimination in this world and slavery and slaughter and starvation. Governments repress their people; and millions are trapped in poverty while the nation grows rich; and wealth is lavished on armaments everywhere.
"These are differing evils, but they are common works of man. They reflect the imperfection of human justice, the inadequacy of human compassion, our lack of sensibility toward the sufferings of our fellows.
"But we can perhaps remember - even if only for a tirne - that those who live with us are our brothers; that they share with us the same short moment of life; that they seek - as we do - nothing but the chance to live out their lives in purpose and happiness, winning what satisfaction and fulfillment they can.
"Surely this bond of common faith, this bond of common goal, can begin to teach us something. Surely, we can learn, at least, to look at those around us as fellow men. And surely we can begin to work a little harder to bind up the wounds among us and to become in our own hearts brothers and countrymen once again.
"Our answer is to rely on youth - not a time of life but a state of mind, a temper of the will, a quality of imagination, a predominance of courage over timidity, of the appetite for adventure over the love of ease. The cruelties and obstacles of this swiftly changing planet will not yield to obsolete dogmas and outworn slogans. They cannot be moved by those who cling to a present that is already dying, who prefer the illusion of security to the excitement and danger that come with even the most peaceful progress. It is a revolutionary world we live in; and this generation at home and around the world, has had thrust upon it a greater burden of responsibility than any generation that has ever lived.
"Some believe there is nothing one man or one woman can do against the enormous array of the world's ills. Yet many of the world's great movements, of thought and action, have flowed from the work of a single man. A young monk began the Protestant reformation, a young general extended an empire from Macedonia to the borders of the earth, and a young woman reclaimed the territory of France. It was a young Italian explorer who discovered the New World, and the thirty-two-year-old Thomas Jefferson who proclaimed that all men are created equal.
"These men moved the world, and so can we all. Few will have the greatness to bend history itself, but each of us can work to change a small portion of events, and in the total of all those acts will be written the history of this generation. It is from numberless diverse acts of courage and belief that human history is shaped. Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those ripples build a current that can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.
"Few are willing to brave the disapproval of their fellows, the censure of their colleagues, the wrath of their society. Moral courage is a rarer commodity than bravery in battle or great intelligence. Yet it is the one essential, vital quality for those who seek to change a world that yields most painfully to change. And I believe that in this generation those with the courage to enter the moral conflict will find themselves with companions in every corner of the globe.
"For the fortunate among us, there is the temptation to follow the easy and familiar paths of personal ambition and financial success so grandly spread before those who enjoy the privilege of education. But that is not the road history has marked out for us. Like it or not, we live in times of danger and uncertainty. But they are also more open to the creative energy of men than any other time in history. All of us will ultimately be judged and as the years pass we will surely judge ourselves, on the effort we have contributed to building a new world society and the extent to which our ideals and goals have shaped that effort.
"The future does not belong to those who are content with today, apathetic toward common problems and their fellow man alike, timid and fearful in the face of new ideas and bold projects. Rather it will belong to those who can blend vision, reason and courage in a personal commitment to the ideals and great enterprises of American Society.
"Our future may lie beyond our vision, but it is not completely beyond our control. It is the shaping impulse of America that neither fate nor nature nor the irresistible tides of history, but the work of our own hands, matched to reason and principle, that will determine our destiny. There is pride in that, even arrogance, but there is also experience and truth. In any event, it is the only way we can live."
This is the way he lived. My brother need not be idealized, or enlarged in death beyond what he was in life, to be remembered simply as a good and decent man, who saw wrong and tried to right it, saw suffering and tried to heal it, saw war and tried to stop it.
Those of us who loved him and who take him to his rest today, pray that what he was to us and what he wished for others will some day come to pass for all the world.
As he said many times, in many parts of this nation, to those he touched and who sought to touch him:
"Some men see things as they are and say why.
I dream things that never were and say why not."

Robert Kennedy on Martin Luther King
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some -- some very sad news for all of you -- Could you lower those signs, please? -- I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world; and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.
Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. He died in the cause of that effort. In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in. For those of you who are black -- considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible -- you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.
We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization -- black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another. Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion, and love.
For those of you who are black and are tempted to fill with -- be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.
But we have to make an effort in the United States. We have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times.
My favorite poem, my -- my favorite poet was Aeschylus. And he once wrote:
Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget
falls drop by drop upon the heart,
until, in our own despair,
against our will,
comes wisdom
through the awful grace of God.
What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness, but is love, and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.
So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King -- yeah, it's true -- but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love -- a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke.
We can do well in this country. We will have difficult times. We've had difficult times in the past, but we -- and we will have difficult times in the future. It is not the end of violence; it is not the end of lawlessness; and it's not the end of disorder.
But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land.
And let's dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world. Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people.
Thank you very much.

Tuesday, December 4, 2012

What Percent Are You?

What Percent Are You?
Published: January 14, 2012
See how your household income ranks in 344 zones across the United States.

Sunday, November 25, 2012



First Religious Society - Unitarian Universalist Church, Pleasant
Street, Newburyport

Downstairs Meeting Room

WEDNESDAY NOVEMBER 28, 7:00 - 8:30pm

“D&D” (Documentaries and Discussion) is a monthly series that has been
running for several years now.  The November-December meeting will
feature a half-hour segment of Need to Know (PBS), “The Fiscal Cliff,”
followed by discussion led by Charlie Tontar, Associate Professor of
Economics, Merrimack College.

Wednesday, November 21, 2012

Thanksgiving Proclamation by the President

By the President of the United States of America.

A Proclamation.

The year that is drawing towards its close, has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been added, which are of so extraordinary a nature, that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever watchful providence of Almighty God. In the midst of a civil war of unequaled magnitude and severity, which has sometimes seemed to foreign States to invite and to provoke their aggression, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has prevailed everywhere except in the theatre of military conflict; while that theatre has been greatly contracted by the advancing armies and navies of the Union. Needful diversions of wealth and of strength from the fields of peaceful industry to the national defence, have not arrested the plough, the shuttle or the ship; the axe has enlarged the borders of our settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious metals, have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population has steadily increased, notwithstanding the waste that has been made in the camp, the siege and the battle-field; and the country, rejoicing in the consiousness of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to expect continuance of years with large increase of freedom. No human counsel hath devised nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy. It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, reverently and gratefully acknowledged as with one heart and one voice by the whole American People. I do therefore invite my fellow citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next, as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the Heavens. And I recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions justly due to Him for such singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty Hand to heal the wounds of the nation and to restore it as soon as may be consistent with the Divine purposes to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tranquillity and Union.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this Third day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the Unites States the Eighty-eighth.

By the President: Abraham Lincoln

William H. Seward,
Secretary of State

Monday, November 12, 2012

Newburyport's Party and Gender Breakdown

Registered Voters at the moment in Newburyport.

Status Male Female
Dems 38% 62%
Republicans 53% 47%
Unenrolled 47% 53%
Total 45% 55%

Saturday, November 10, 2012


The truth is that the modern GOP is deeply anti-intellectual, and has as its fundamental goal not just a rollback of the welfare state but a rollback of the Enlightenment. Yet there are some wannabe intellectuals who delude themselves into believing that they have aligned themselves with the party of objective (as opposed to Objectivist) analysis.
You might think that the election debacle would force some reconsideration. But I doubt it; if the financial crisis didn’t do it, nothing will.

Paul Krugman

Saturday, November 3, 2012

What Romney Has Said Offers Clues if He Wins

This is a NY Times news piece and not opinion.  The pesky fact is that the Romney plan is full of nothing but fantasy, fakery, and falsehoods (I just made that up and it sounds pretty accurate.)  My own personal "Highlights/Lowlights" in yellow

NY Times November 2, 2012

What Romney Has Said Offers Clues if He Wins

WASHINGTON — What would a President Romney have done?

For nearly four years, Mr. Romney has attacked President Obama’s responses to the worst economic crisis since the Depression, the decisions that have defined the Obama presidency — on the stimulus package, auto industry rescue, home-foreclosure measures and financial regulation.

Mr. Romney has been less clear about what action he would have taken instead. What follows are snapshots of his reactions then and now, which provide a sense of how he might have responded if he had been in the Oval Office and how he might approach economic policy should he be elected president on Tuesday.
STIMULUS Mr. Romney was an early advocate of some government action and criticized President George W. Bush for not seeking a stimulus measure before departing. But mostly he slammed Mr. Obama, within days of the inauguration, for the $831 billion package of spending and tax cuts that a Democratic-led Congress soon passed. He called it bloated with spending that would take too long to help the economy. (The total grew to $1.4 trillion as some provisions were renewed.)
By the end of 2009 Mr. Romney declared the stimulus a costly failure, though nonpartisan studies found that it had helped create or support millions of jobs. He cited a weak recovery, slower than even the Obama administration’s projections, and a stubbornly high unemployment rate.

But Mr. Romney’s own prescriptions were mixed. In February 2009, as the stimulus bill was being enacted, he suggested $450 billion in tax cuts for middle-income Americans and federal money for unspecified “urgent priorities.” He called tax cuts “twice as effective” as spending for spurring the economy, a contention that many economists dispute.

That December, Mr. Romney called for Washington to pull back, though unemployment had hit 10 percent. “Shrinking government and reducing government jobs is healthier for the economy, but this option was never seriously considered,” he wrote.

His position mirrored that taken by many conservatives at the time in the United States and in Europe, which became something of a laboratory for the idea that Keynesian policy had been proven ineffective and that slashing spending and reducing deficits would lower interest rates, promote investment, shrink the government’s interference in the marketplace and put the economy on a sounder footing for the long run.

Britain and other nations that adopted austerity policies encountered deeper economic troubles. In the United States, few nonpartisan economists support government austerity in a downturn. Mr. Romney, suggesting some belief in the central tenet of Keynesian economics — that government spending can temporarily make up for a lack of demand in the private sector — has subsequently said that he would enact budget cuts he supported with an eye toward whether the timing would have a negative impact on a still-weak recovery.
AUTO BAILOUT In late 2008 President Bush approved $25 billion in aid for General Motors and Chrysler. Ford, in better shape, declined aid but backed it for the others since liquidating two of the Big Three automakers would bankrupt many suppliers, imperiling Ford.

That help proved insufficient. Mr. Obama, advised by a task force he formed after taking office, forced G.M. and Chrysler through a government-managed bankruptcy, lending them $60 billion more so they could keep operating while restructuring. This amount, unlike the first, had to be repaid.

The decision was politically risky, given the growing populist backlash at the time to bailouts like those already given to banks. Mr. Romney opposed the actions by both Mr. Obama and Mr. Bush to provide direct government aid to Detroit, and in November 2008, he wrote an Op-Ed article in The New York Times calling for the companies to be given new management and restructured through the bankruptcy process, with the prospect of government loan guarantees only afterward. He has defended that stance even as the bailout helped the companies return to profitability and add jobs.

Mr. Obama’s plan also required a bankruptcy that forced new union contracts, new managers and investments in fuel-saving technologies. The difference was that Mr. Romney ruled out any bridge loan from taxpayers. He said the government should only guarantee private loans, and only when the companies emerged from bankruptcy. “Detroit needs a turnaround, not a check,” he wrote in the Op-Ed article.

But there was little if any private financing available to the automakers at the time. Romney ads this week in Ohio say the revived automakers are sending jobs to China, a charge the automakers have denounced as false. One ad ends, “Mitt Romney has a plan to help the auto industry.” It offers no details, but the Romney campaign has suggested that he would have built more safeguards into any bailout package against moving production from the United States to other countries and that his promised crackdown on China’s trade and currency practices would have discouraged Chrysler from deciding to build Jeeps for the Chinese market in China rather than in the United States.
HOUSING The hangover of depressed home values and foreclosures since the housing bubble burst has been perhaps the biggest drag on the recovery, analysts say. Yet remedies are financially and politically complex, as Mr. Obama found. Polls show most Americans oppose bailouts for neighbors who got mortgages they could not afford or owe more than their homes are worth. Incentives for lenders to modify troubled mortgages have helped far fewer people than Mr. Obama predicted.  

Until recently Mr. Romney offered a free-market alternative: do nothing. Last November in Nevada, the state with the highest foreclosure and jobless rates, he told The Las Vegas Review Journal: “Don’t try and stop the foreclosure process. Let it run its course and hit the bottom.”

Mr. Romney did express interest in then “helping people refinance homes.” And more recently he has seemed to suggest that the government policy could have some role in helping spur a recovery. Last week in Reno, he said, without elaboration, “When I’m elected, we’re going to finally get this housing market going.”
FINANCIAL REGULATION Mr. Romney has long proposed to “repeal and replace” the 2010 Dodd-Frank law tightening regulation of financial institutions. He has emphasized “repeal” and not defined a replacement. But Mr. Romney, who expressed general support for the role of regulation in the first presidential debate, has offered hints.

“There’s some parts of Dodd-Frank that make all the sense in the world,” he said. “You need transparency, you need leverage limits.”

Past comments and language in his manifesto, “Believe in America,” suggest that Mr. Romney supports several objectives of Dodd-Frank: Authorizing the government to wind down failing institutions, to avoid a Lehman Brothers-like crash that threatens the system; requiring transparency for complex financial instruments like derivatives, and requiring institutions to keep a larger buffer of capital.

He has suggested support for some version of the new consumer-protection bureau, which Congressional Republicans opposed. While calling it “perhaps the most powerful and unaccountable bureaucracy in the history of our nation” in a statement in January, he also proposed “to fix the flaws in this new bureaucracy.”
Mr. Romney often attacks Dodd-Frank for supposedly designating five banks as “too big to fail,” freeing them to take risks, confident of a bailout. “We need to get rid of that provision,” he said in the debate.

But if his position makes clear his opposition to the “too big to fail” concept, it ignores one thing: such a provision does not exist in the law.

Wednesday, October 31, 2012

Door to Door

By Frank Phillips | Globe Staff 
October 31, 2012

BROOKLINE — Beneath a steady Sunday afternoon drizzle, Julie and Michael Rafferty pile into their blue Honda Civic, she at the wheel, he riding shotgun, a clipboard between them.

The target set by Elizabeth Warren’s campaign: Make 60 get-out-the-vote visits in a single afternoon. Ambitious, but doable. Less a sales pitch than a pop quiz, each visit is intended to assess support for Warren, or her opponent, Scott Brown.

A man answers the door on Jamaica Road. Barely a few words into Julie Rafferty’s patter, he smiles and cuts her off.

“I hope she wins,” he says.

But does he know where to find his polling place? Will he need a ride to the polls on Nov. 6? Good thing, too. His polling place had changed and he had no idea.

The Democratic get-out-the-vote machine in Massachusetts — a concept developed in large part by former governor Michael Dukakis over his career — has long been on the cutting edge of grass-roots campaign organizing nationwide. With Warren locked in a tight battle to unseat Brown, Democrats in this state hope an updated version of those ground efforts will again help give them an edge.

Brown’s campaign has its own get-out-the-vote effort, coordinated through the state Republican Party. But by all appearances, it does not have the sophistication or the manpower that the Democrats have amassed, despite the millions that Brown has raised.

“We just lack the number of bodies that the Democrats have because of the registration disadvantage,’’ said Rob Gray, a veteran Republican strategist. “We don’t have the major assets the Democrats have, such as unions and an elected infrastructure that includes the aides and interns who work in the political offices and are willing to make phone calls and knock on doors because their bosses want them to and they want to advance their careers.’’

Every weekend for months, armies of Democratic volunteers have hit neighborhoods in search of likely Warren voters. Like the Raffertys, they carry clipboards with asterisks under each resident’s name, indicating voter frequency: Four stars for consistent voters, one for a spotty or infrequent record.

From home to home, the interactions at the door are unexpectedly fast. Their focus is identification, with every piece of information about the voter tabulated, a check mark noting a voter’s predilections: Strong Warren, Lean Warren, Undecided. Lean Brown, Strong Brown.

Once they’ve found potential Warren supporters, they’ll follow up on Election Day, by phone, or at the door if no one answers. It’s like that all day, until the resident casts a ballot, or the polls close.

The state Democratic Party says its volunteers have knocked on 300,000 doors in the last month alone. Since the campaign began, they have made more than 5 million attempts to contact voters, either in person or by phone. They also have 74 paid field organizers, with 48 field offices.

The state GOP says it has 12 field organizers, staffing about a dozen offices statewide. That’s in addition to 23 offices run by local GOP groups, in coordination with the party, that work on behalf of legislative candidates as well as Brown. In all, they say, they have made more than 2 million “voter contacts,” many of them by phone. The party declined to be more specific.

A political neophyte named Deval Patrick learned about the power of the Democratic machine in 2005, soon after he had launched his long-shot bid for governor and was in Los Angeles on business. While there, he popped into the office of a college professor with deep roots in the Massachusetts political world. “What are you doing here? Get back to Boston,’’ Dukakis, the state’s Democratic statesman, exhorted Patrick. “There are over 2,100 precincts in the state and you have less than a year to organize everyone of them before the party caucuses.’’

Dukakis, whose three terms as governor is a record in the modern era, has for years preached that grass-roots, get-out-the-vote organizing is the most critical component of a campaign. He refined that strategy over his three decades of campaigns, from his first state representative race in 1962 to his victory in the Iowa Democratic presidential caucuses in 1988.

“It’s traditional politics but it is still the most effective way to campaign,’’ he said.

Dukakis didn’t invent the idea, but he refined the concept and used it to great effect. By 1982, in his famous comeback, he had made something of science out of it, creating the template for a statewide field organization that political insiders now reference.

Patrick took Dukakis’s advice to heart. He flew back to Boston, hired a campaign manager, John Walsh, a veteran field organizer from the South Shore, and set about building a hugely impressive statewide political organization, harnessing the latest Internet technology to help.

It played a major factor when Patrick, with Walsh’s talents for field operations, turned the gubernatorial race on its head. He won a party convention endorsement against all odds and then scored landslide primary and general election victories in 2006. Four years later, it was critical to his extraordinary political comeback to win a second term.

Now, the Dukakis/Patrick get-out-the-vote model — with significant updates to reflect the arrival of social media — is what Walsh and Democrats in Massachusetts hope will help Warren edge Brown on Tuesday. A Globe poll this week indicated 7the race is a dead heat.

The approach is also expected to play a critical role in the presidential race. That’s because President Obama’s chief consultants, David Axelrod and David Plouffe, served as chief consultants to the 2006 Patrick campaign, watching Walsh and his crew at work.

Plouffe wrote in his recent book, “The Audacity to Win,” that when they planned Obama’s 2008 campaign, it was Patrick’s machine that served as the paradigm that led the Chicago-based consultants to construct what has been described as the largest grass-roots operation in the nation’s political history. As Obama’s team began to consider a presidential race, Plouffe wrote, they looked at some of the new “techniques and political currents that would emerge so forcefully in 2008.’’

He then pointed to the Patrick campaign: “Axelrod and I had worked on the tremendously long-shot gubernatorial campaign of Deval Patrick of Massachusetts in 2006 where we worked with a campaign that was doing some fascinating and new stuff using the Internet to organize and communicate message — from scratch, like we would have to do.”

This year, in a presidential race that could be decided by razor-thin margins in key states, the organizational skills that have roots in Dukakis’s Massachusetts political machine could make the difference. Experts feel that a get-out-the-vote operation on Election Day can add as much as two to three percentage points.

“In a close election, a ground game is of paramount importance,’’ said Peter Ubertaccio, a political science professor at the Martin Institute at Stonehill College.

Dukakis, the grandfather of the field operation, called it critical. “There is no substitute for that precinct worker walking up to someone’s door,” he said. The politician who wrote the book on Massachusetts grass-roots campaigning five decades ago, is still going strong, this time around for Warren. On a recent Saturday, Dukakis, 78, stormed the sidewalks to knock on doors in Milton. When no one answered one door, he charged toward a side entrance, ignoring the barking dogs. “Republican dogs,” he grimaced.

The homeowner turned out to be nearly as unwelcoming as her pets. Soon, he was charging toward a house decked out for fall festivities, surprising voter Mary Foley, a pediatric nurse and an independent.

“You look great!” Foley said.

“78!” he said.

But as much as she enjoyed the visit, Foley said she wasn’t sold on the candidate. She remained undecided.

Saturday, October 27, 2012

The Ditch

The previous driver put the car into a ditch....a big ditch...

The Republican solution: blame the guy trying to get this thing out of the ditch

Wednesday, October 17, 2012

Does Romney Ever Speak the Truth?

Mind The Binder

Hey, I know about that binder! And guess what -- Mitt Romney was lying about it.
CROWLEY: Governor Romney, pay equity for women?
ROMNEY: Thank you. An important topic, and one which I learned a great deal about, particularly as I was serving as governor of my state, because I had the chance to pull together a cabinet and all the applicants seemed to be men.
And I -- and I went to my staff, and I said, "How come all the people for these jobs are -- are all men." They said, "Well, these are the people that have the qualifications." And I said, "Well, gosh, can't we -- can't we find some -- some women that are also qualified?"
And -- and so we -- we took a concerted effort to go out and find women who had backgrounds that could be qualified to become members of our cabinet.
I went to a number of women's groups and said, "Can you help us find folks," and they brought us whole binders full of women.
I was proud of the fact that after I staffed my Cabinet and my senior staff, that the University of New York in Albany did a survey of all 50 states, and concluded that mine had more women in senior leadership positions than any other state in America.
Now one of the reasons I was able to get so many good women to be part of that team was because of our recruiting effort.
Not a true story.
What actually happened was that in 2002 -- prior to the election, not even knowing yet whether it would be a Republican or Democratic administration -- a bipartisan group of women in Massachusetts formed MassGAP to address the problem of few women in senior leadership positions in state government. There were more than 40 organizations involved with the Massachusetts Women's Political Caucus (also bipartisan) as the lead sponsor.
They did the research and put together the binder full of women qualified for all the different cabinet positions, agency heads, and authorities and commissions. They presented this binder to Governor Romney when he was elected.
I have written about this before, in various contexts; tonight I've checked with several people directly involved in the MassGAP effort who confirm that this history as I've just presented it is correct -- and that Romney's claim tonight, that he asked for such a study, is false.
I will write more about this later, but for tonight let me just make a few quick additional points. First of all, according to MassGAP and MWPC, Romney did appoint 14 women out of his first 33 senior-level appointments, which is a reasonably impressive 42 percent. However, as I have reported before, those were almost all to head departments and agencies that he didn't care about -- and in some cases, that he quite specifically wanted to not really do anything. None of the senior positions Romney cared about -- budget, business development, etc. -- went to women.
Secondly, a UMass-Boston study found that the percentage of senior-level appointed positions held by women actually declined throughout the Romney administration, from 30.0% prior to his taking office, to 29.7% in July 2004, to 27.6% near the end of his term in November 2006. (It then began rapidly rising when Deval Patrick took office.)
Third, note that in Romney's story as he tells it, this man who had led and consulted for businesses for 25 years didn't know any qualified women, or know where to find any qualified women. So what does that say?